Evolang coverage: Andrew Smith: Linguistic replicators are not observable, nor replicators

March 14, 2012 in Uncategorized

Andrew Smith asks what are Darwinian linguistic replicators.  He starts with Croft’s conception of the lingueme.  Croft says that linguemes are external manifestations: utterances including their full context.  However, this might mean that they are not observable, since we can’t observe the full context of an utterance nor the speaker’s intention.  Furthermore, this ignores the fact that meanings are different for each hearer.  So linguemes cannot be observed on the hearer’s side either.  Nikolas Ritt’s conceptualisation of the lingueme suggests that it is an entirely internal entity.  However, this means that we can’t observe the lingueme at all.  Furthermore, it ignores the fact that langauge is ostensive and inferential.  Smith advocates a view stronger than Mufwene’s position that meanings are re-constructed in the minds of hearers:  Hearers build their own knowledge and infer the meaning of speakers – this is a far remove from replicating anything in the speaker’s mind.   So the lingueme does not replicate faithfully.  In fact, we should not expect the lingueme to replicate faithfully, but be on the opposite side of the continuum to replicators.

Smith concluded with the paradox that linguemes must contain some aspect of meaning, but meaning is individual and not observable.

Monica Tamariz asked whether linguistic replicators needed to have an aspect of meaning.  Alternatively, Tamariz argued you could have replication of forms without replication of meaning.  Smith disagreed, seeing a pairing of form and meaning as an essential part of a linguistic replicator.

Smith pointed out that some priming effects demonstrated that people can re-create speaker’s individual voices in their minds, so would this count as faithful replication.  Smith replied that we shouldn’t expect linguistic replicators to be faithfully transmitted.

Luke McCrohan later suggested that perhaps you could have replication of a communicative event- that is, the lingueme is both the speaker’s intention and the hearer’s inference and the external form.

This was a refreshing and no-nonsense take on the linguistic replicator question.  But whatever the right answer, it demonstrates that evolutionary linguists are still struggling to reconcile language in the individual and language in the environment.  Nowhere is this clearer than in models, where typically addressing one aspect compromises the other.

So, what is it then, this Grammaticalization?

March 14, 2012 in Linguistics, Science

ResearchBlogging.org

A century ago Antoine Meillet, in his work L’évolution des Formes Grammaticales, coined the term grammaticalization to describe the process through which linguistic forms evolve from a lexical to a grammatical status. Even though knowledge of this process is found in earlier works by French and British philosophers (e.g. Condillac, 1746; Tooke, 1857), as well as in the publications of a long list of nineteenth-century linguists beginning with Franz Bopp (1816) (cf. Heine, 2003), it was Meillet’s term that would come to characterise what is now a whole field of study in historical language change. At a first glance, the concept of grammaticalization might seem fairly straightforward, yet in the proceeding hundred years it has undergone numerous revisions and developments, with many of these issues being brought to the fore at a conference I recently attended in Berlin (yes, there are other conferences we’re interested in than Evolang).

One of the stated aims of the conference was to refine the notion of grammaticalization (click here for the website). I’m not 100% sure this was achieved and, following an excellent talk by Graeme Trousdale, I was even less sure of whether we should keep using the term. We’ll come back to this is in a moment. For now, many linguists will probably agree that one of the most prominent developments is found in the expansion of Meillet’s definition by Kuryłowicz (1965): “[...] grammaticalization is that subset of linguistic changes whereby lexical material in highly constrained pragmatic and morphosyntactic contexts becomes grammatical, and grammatical material becomes more grammatical [...]” (Traugott, 1996: 183 [my emphasis]). Under this new definition, grammaticalization takes into account the gradual nature of diachronic change in language, with there being a continuum of various degrees of grammatical status (Winter-Froemel, 2012).

A widely used example of grammaticalization is the development of the periphrastic future be going to. In the time of Shakespeare’s English, be going to had its literal meaning of a subject travelling to a location in order to do something, with the subject position only allowing for a noun phrase denoting “an animate, mobile entity, and the verb following the phrase would have to be a dynamic verb” (Bybee, 2003: 605). Indeed, there were several movement verbs that we could substitute based on the following constructional schema:

(1)        [[movement verb + Progressive] + purpose clause (to + infinitive)]

            E.g.,     I am going to see the king

                        I am travelling to see the king

                        I am riding to see the king

However, of the above examples, it was only the construction with go in it that underwent grammaticalization so that the motion verb (go) and the purpose clause (to + infinitive) came to express intentionality and future possibility. Of course, these changes did not happen abruptly, but rather they gradually evolved over time, with one prediction being that there was stage of ambiguity where both meanings coexisted (see Hopper’s concept of layering). We might conceive of this as hidden variation due to the inferential capacities entailed in the transmission from speakers to hearers. At some point the use of be going to was used in a construction that has an unambiguous meaning (e.g., I’m going to stay at home; The tree is going to lose its leaves etc), which led to an unmasking of this hidden variation within the speech community. This unmasking further opens up the possibility for these two meanings to become structurally untangled; demonstrated in contracted form of be plus the reduced gonna [gʌnə]. Below is a diagrammatic representation of these changes:

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Evolang coverage: Brain activity during the emergence of a grounded communication game

March 13, 2012 in Uncategorized

Takeshi Konno, Junya Morita and Takashi Hashimoto talk about the integrative approach to the emergence of symbolic communication.  The talk included details of a hybrid model of cognition for communication that involved a context-free grammar to handle denotation and a neural network to handle connotation.  However, the most interesting work was an analysis of the different brain areas used at different stages of the evolution of a communication system.  They used an experimental paradigm similar to Galantucci (2005) where two human players played a coordination game using computer terminals.  On the screen, players were placed in one of four coloured room, but unable to see their partner in another room.  The aim was to move once (or not move) to end up in the same room as your partner.  Players were allowed to communicate once before moving using a sequence of abstract shapes.  Players could send a sequence of two abstract shapes to their partner.  The idea was to set up a communication system whereby, for instance, a square followed by a circle might mean ‘move into the green room’.

Konno et al. observe an evolution in the communication system:  First, the establishment of common ground (what shapes meant what colour).  Next, a symbolic system emerged with a semantics and a syntax.  At this stage, players were sending messages simultaneously.  Finally, role division (pragmatics) emerged to handle situations where the suggestion of a move by one player was impossible to reach in a single move by the other.  Therefore, one player would make a suggestion, and the second player would either modify the suggestion or confirm the suggestion by sending back the same signal.  Konno et al. note the emergence of the possibility of the same signal to meaning different things.

Interestingly, a recent experiment used EEG scans of participants’ brain activity as they played.  Konno et al. observed activity in Wernicke’s area at the semantic and syntactic stage, but also increased activation during the pragmatic stage of the evolution of the system in Broca’s area, the right frontal cortex and the medial frontal area.  Although this finding was not covered in a lot of detail, and the implications were not fully fleshed out, it’s an intriguing result, and may usher in a new series of brain-scanning versions of other communication game paradigms.  Do participants at a later stage of an iterated learning paradigm used different brain areas to those in the initial stages of the evolution of the language?

Evolang abstract:

Konno,T., Morita,J. and Hashimoto,T. (2012) “How is pragmatic grounding formed in the symbolic communication systems?,” Proceedings of Evolang9, Campus Plaza Kyoto, abstract.

Galantucci, B. (2005). An experimental study of the emergence of human communication systems. Cognitive Science, 29(5), 737-767.

Evolang coverage: Animal Communication and the Evolution of Language

March 13, 2012 in Evolution, Science

Are there more differences or more similarities between human language and other animal communication systems? And what exactly does it tell us if we find precursors and convergent evolution of aspects similar to human language? These were some of the key questions at this year’s Evolang’s Animal Communication and Language Evolution Workshop (proceedings for all workshops here).

As Johan Bolhuis pointed out, ever since Darwin (1871), comparing apes and humans’ seemed like the most logical thing to do when trying to find out more about the evolution of traits presumed to be special to humans. Apes and especially chimpanzees, so the reasoning goes, are after all our closest relatives and serve as the best models for the capacities of our prelinguistic hominid ancestors. The comparative aspects of language have gained new attention since the controversial Hauser, Chomsky, Fitch (2002) paper in Science. For example, their claim that the capacity for producing and understanding recursive embedding of a certain kind is uniquely human was taken up by some researchers (including Hauser and Fitch themselves) who looked for syntactic abilities in other animals. More recently, songbirds have also become a centre of attention in the animal communication literature, with pretty much everything being quite controversial, however.

What is important here, according to the second workshop organizer Kazuo Okanoya, is that when doing research and theorizing, we should not treat humans as a special case, but as on a continuum with animals. And this also holds for language. In explaining language evolution, we don’t want to speak of a sudden burst that gave us something that is wholly different from anything else in the animal kingdom, but more of a continuous transition and emergence of language. For this it is, important to study other animals in closer details if we are to arrive at a continuous explanation of language emergence. Granted, humans are special. But simply saying they are special isn’t scientific. We need to detail in what ways humans are special.

Regarding the central question whether there are more differences or similarities between language and animal communication, and what exactly these similarities and differences are, opinions of course differ. After the first speaker didn’t turn up Irene Pepperberg gave an impromptu talk on her work with parrots. Taking the example of a complex exclusion task, she argued that symbol-trained animals can do things other animals simply cannot, and that this might be tied to the complex cognitive processing that occurs during language (and vocal) learning. She also stressed that birds can serve as good models for the evolution of some aspects underlying language because they developed broadly similar vocal learning capacities like humans in a process referred to as parallel evolution, convergence, or analogy. Responding to other prevalent criticism, Pepperberg counters the view that animals like Alex and Kanzi are simply exceptional and unique, just like not every human is a Picasso or a Beethoven. What Picasso and Beethoven show us is what humans can be capable of, and the same holds for animals and Alex and Kanzi. No one would argue that animals have language in the sense that humans do. But given that they have the brain structures and cognitive capacities to allow a more complicated vocal learning and complicated cognitive processing means we can use them as a model of how these processes might have got started. There is still much work to be done, especially questions like what animals like parrots actually need and use these complex vocal and cognitive capacities for in the wild.

Whereas Dominic Mitchell argued in his talk that there is indeed a discontinuity between animal communication and human language with reference to animal signaling theory (e.g. Krebs & Dawkins 1984), Ramon Ferrer-i-Cancho after him focused more on the similarities. Specifically, he showed quite convincingly that statistical patterns in language, like Zipf’s law, the law of brevity, the law that more frequent words are shorter, and the Menzerath-Altmann law (the longer the words the shorter the syllables) can also be found in the communicative behaviours of other animals. Zipf’s law for word frequencies, for example, can also be observed in the whistles of bottlenose dolphins. A criticism of Zipf’s law in the Chomskyan tradition holds that it just as well applies to random typing and rolling the dice, but Ferrer-i-Cancho showed that it is simply not the case by plotting the actual distribution of random typing and rolling the dice which is actually quite different from the logarithmic distribution of Zipf’s law if you look at it in any detail. The law that more frequent words are shorter can also be found in Chickadee calls, Formosan macaques and Common marmosets. There is some controversy whether this law really holds for all of these species, especially common marmosets, but Ferrer-i-Cancho presented a reanalysis of criticism in which he showed that what there are no “true exceptions” to the law. He proposes an information theoretic explanation for these kinds of behavioural universals where communicative solutions converge on a local optimum of differing communicative demands. He also proposes that considerations like this should lead us to change our perspective and concepts of universals quite radically, and that instead of looking only for linguistic universals we should also look for universals of communicative behavior and universal principles beyond human language such as cognitive effort minimization and mean code length minimization.

Returning to birds, Johan J. Bolhius picked the issue of similarities and differences up again and showed that there is in fact a staggering amount of similarities between birds and humans. For example, songbirds also learn their songs from a tutor (most often their father) and make almost perfect copies of their songs. As Hauser, Chomsky, Fitch 2002 have already pointed out, this signal copying seems not to be present in apes and monkeys. But the similarities go even further than that: Songbirds “babble” before they can sing properly (a period called ‘subsong’) and they also have a sensitive period for learning. And there are not only behavioural, but also neural similarities. In fact, songbirds seem to have a neural organization, broadly similar to the human separation between Broca’s area (mostly concerned with production, although this simple view of course is not the whole story, as James, for example, has shown) and Wernicke’s area (mostly concerned with understanding). So there seem to be regions that are exclusively activated when animals hears songs (kinda Wernicke-Type region) and regions with neuronal activation when animals sing, something which is called the ‘song system. Interestingly, this activation is also related to how much the animal has learned about that particular song it is hearing, so the better it knows the song the more activation is there. This means that this regions might be related to song memory. In lesion studies, where these regions involved in listening to a known song were damaged, recognition of the songs were indeed impaired but not wholly wiped out. Song production, on the other hand was completely unimpaired, mirroring the results from patients with lesions to either Broca’s or Wernicke’s areas. Zebra finches also show some degree of lateralization in that there is stronger activation in the left hemisphere when they hear the song they know, but not when the song they hear is unfamiliar. Although FOXP2 is not a “language gene”, which can’t be stressed enough, it is interesting that songbirds in which the bird-FOXP2-gene was “knocked out” show incomplete learning of the tutor songs.

Overall, Bolhuis concludes that what we can learn from looking at birdsong is that there are three significant factors evolved in the evolution of language:

Homology in the neural and genetic mechanisms due to our shared evolutionary past with birds.

Convergences or parallel evolution of auditory-vocal learning

And last specialisations, specifically human language syntax, which as Bolhuis argued in a paper with Bob Berwick and Kazuo Okanoya is still vastly different in complexity and hierarchical embedding from everything in songbird vocal behavior.

This focus on syntactic ability stems of course from a generativist perspective on these issues, and future research, especially from new and up-and-coming linguistic schools like Cognitive Linguistics and Construction Grammar (cf. Hurford 2012) is sure to bring more light into the matter of how exactly human language works, what kinds of elements and constructions it is made of, and how these compare to what is found in animals, and whether there really a single unitary thing like the fabled “syntactic ability” of humans (cf. e.g.work by Ewa Dabrowska)

 

Evolang coverage: Bart de Boer on Fact-free science

March 13, 2012 in Uncategorized

This is written at 1am after a sake and sushi reception.  I have to praise the organisation of the conference so far!

Kicking off the workshop on Constructive approaches to Language Evolution (proceedings for all workshops downloadable here), Bart de Boer talked about the dangers of Fact-free science.  Maynard-Smith recognised of a certain kind of science that does not refer to outside phenomena, but merely concentrates on exploring models already established in the sub-field.  Constructive approaches and the Artificial Life approach was always susceptible to this criticism, but de Boer recognises that the initial enthusiasm for constructive models has waned while the skepticism has remained.   However, de Boer suggested that Maynard-Smith’s point should be a friendly warning to researchers in language evolution, rather than a criticism, since Maynard-Smith himself was subject to these kinds of criticism in the field of mathematical modelling.  de Boer emphasises that research should never loose sight of the research questions that motivated previous studies, and encouraged modellers to ask whether they were answering questions that other researchers were asking.

de Boer also talked about ‘Cargo cult science’ – a name derived from pre-industrial cults that believed in emulating the technologically advanced societies that they came in contact with would maintain the flow of new goods – a practice that goes through the motions of doing science, but doesn’t actually produce results.  For instance, a model shouldn’t just explain the data which it was built on, but should be expandable to explain other phenomena.

de Boer questioned whether the Iterated Learning Model experimental paradigms were guilty of this kind of cottage-industry science, wondering whether they study langauge evolution or how humans play certain types of games.  However, he did concede that it was a relatively new paradigm and at least it got modellers running experiments.  I asked whether this was a little unfair on the ILM, since part of the motivation of the ILM studies was to counter claims made in that pinnacle of fact-free science, formalist nativism.  That is, the ILM showed that you don’t need strong innate biases to get strong language universals in populations.  de Boer answered, quite sensibly, that these points had been made with the computation models already, but more importantly, there was no point in trying to convince those kinds of researchers – the real audience for researchers of cultural evolution should be biologists – de Boer pointed out that the most prestigious work on language evolution (in terms of journal prestige and citations) is largely by biologists, not linguists (e.g Nowak).  And to convince them, we need fact-free science.

It was a pity, then that some interesting modelling work by Reiji Suzuki and Takaya Arita (Reconsidering language evolution from coevolution of learning and niche construction using a concept of dynamic fitness landscape, also in the workshop proceedings) seemed to be suffering from this malady.  To start with, as Thom Scott-Phillips pointed out, the title doesn’t make sense, since niche-construction is essentially a type of coevolution.  Suzuki described model where individuals could affect each other’s linguistic inventories either directly through communication, or indirectly by contributing linguistic elements to a pool of linguistic resources, like an animal altering its adaptive landscape (e.g. beavers building dams).  Each individual had a phenotype space which was defined by several innate properties:  First, an initial phenotype.  Second, a learning variable where by an individual could bring its phenotype closer to the peak of the adaptive landscape.  Finally, a niche construction parameter by which individuals could pull the adaptive peak closer to or further away from their phenotype. Individuals inherited these parameters like genes.

A circular dynamic emerged where the population cycled through having many adaptive peaks, which increased the learning parameter, which lead to a single adaptive peak, which lowered the importance of learning, which finally pulled the single adaptive peak into many adaptive peaks, which increased the importance of learning, and so on.  While this was happening, the fitness of the agents was being ratcheted up by a series of steep increases, essentially a the Baldwin effect being repeatedly applied.  This is the first of a number of presentations about the Baldwin effect and coevolution (talk by Bill Thompson and poster by Vanessa Ferdinand).

While this is an interesting dynamic, when I asked how the concept of a shared environment or the ability to modify the adaptive landscape applied to language, there was not a clear answer.  I suspect that the distinction between individual interactions and modifying the external environment, which works well for animals building nests or dams, does not work so well for spoken language, because linguistic signals don’t persist in the environment.  However, the problem of how to represent the langauge of a community alongside individual behaviour is not an easy problem to solve.  Suzuki suggested that perhaps the model can be related to an earlier stage of language evolution, but we’ll have to wait for a better description of how this model can answer the questions that researchers in language evolution ask.

Evolang Previews: Cognitive Construal, Mental Spaces, and the Evolution of Language and Cognition

March 10, 2012 in Evolution, Linguistics, Science

Evolang is busy this year – 4 parallel sessions and over 50 posters. We’ll be posting a series of previews to help you decide what to go and see. If you’d like to post a preview of your work, get in touch and we’ll give you a guest slot.

Michael Pleyer Cognitive Construal, Mental Spaces, and the Evolution of Language and Cognition Poster Session 1, 17:20-19:20, “Hall” (2F), 14th March

Perspective-taking and -setting in language, cognition and interaction is crucial to the creation of meaning and to how people share knowledge and experiences. As I’ve already written about on this blog (e.g. herehere, here), it probably also played an important part in the story of how human language and cognition came to be. In my poster presentation I argue that a particular school of linguistic thought, Cognitive Linguistics (e.g. Croft & Cruse 2004; Evans & Green 2006; Geeraerts & Cuyckens 2007; Ungerer & Schmid 2006), has quite a lot to say about the structure and cognitive foundations of perspective-taking and -setting in language.

Therefore an interdisciplinary dialogue between Cognitive Linguistics and research on the evolution of language might prove highly profitable. To illustrate this point, I offer an example of one potential candidate for such an interdisciplinary dialogue, so-called Blending Theory (e.g. Fauconnier & Turner 2002), which, I argue,  can serve as a useful model for the kind of representational apparatus that needed to evolve in the human lineage to support linguistic interaction. In this post I will not say much about Blending Theory (go see my poster for that ;-) or browse here ), but I want to  elaborate a bit on Cognitive Linguistics and why it is a promising school of thought for language evolution research, something which I also elaborate on in my proceedings paper.

So what is Cognitive Linguistics?

Evans & Green (2006: 50), define Cognitive Linguistics as

“the study of language in a way that is compatible with what is known about the human mind, treating language as reflecting and revealing the mind.”

Cognitive Linguistics sees language as tightly integrated with human cognition. What is more, a core assumption of Cognitive Linguistics is that principles inherent in language can be seen as instantiations of more general principles of human cognition. This means that language is seen as drawing on mechanisms and principles that are not language-specific but general to cognition, like conceptualisation, categorization, entrenchment, routinization, and so forth.

From the point of view of the speaker, the most important function of language is that it expresses conceptualizations, i.e. mental representations. From the point of view of the hearer, linguistic utterances then serve as prompts for the dynamic construction of a mental representation. Crucially, this process of constructing a mental representation is fundamentally tied to human cognition and our knowledge of the world around us. Read the rest of this entry →

Conference session on Theory and evidence in language evolution research

March 8, 2012 in Uncategorized

The 43rd Poznań Linguistic Meeting is holding a thematic session on Theory and evidence in language evolution research.  The call is still open, but the deadline is the 15th March.  From the conference description:

The aims of the session can be summarised as follows:

  • to assess the present range of available evidence and to discuss the status of the new sources of evidence
  • to assess the role of theoretical syntheses and holistic scenarios of language emergence and evolution
  • to identify the ways in which linguistic methodologies can be made relevant to answering the ‘origins’ type questions,
  • to identify the limitations of linguistic methodologies alone and thus directions of interdisciplinary collaboration
  • to bridge the gap between conceptions of evidence in biology and linguistics

Evolang Previews: The nomothetic approach to language evolution

March 7, 2012 in Uncategorized

Evolang is busy this year – 4 parallel sessions and over 50 posters. We’ll be positing a series of previews to help you decide what to go and see. If you’d like to post a preview of your work, get in touch and we’ll give you a guest slot.

Sean Roberts & James Winters Constructing Knowledge: The nomothetic approach to language evolution
Session 2, Workshop on Constructive Approaches to Language evolution, 13th March

Recently, there’s been a surge in large-scale, cross-cultural statistical studies that look at the co-evolution of language structure are social structure.  These contrast with small-scale case studies on the one hand and computational models on the other.  Lupyan & Dale refer to this approach as ‘Nomothetic’ – looking for general patterns or laws.  For example, they find that the number of speakers of a language correlates with the morphological complexity of that language.  These approaches are cheap, fast and easy to perform.  They use real data, and they might reveal some interesting links that we might want to include in our models.  However, on their own, they have little explanatory power:  We know that group size and morphological complexity are linked, but the statistics don’t tell us why they are linked (see Hannah’s post and my comment, too).

Worse, the amount of data available on the internet and new statistical techniques mean that it’s possible to find some sort of link between any cultural traits (as this set of spurious correlations demonstrates).  For example, there is a robust link between linguistic diversity and the number of road fatalities in a country.  Does this mean that models of linguistic diversity should include a simulation of traffic accidents?  Probably not, but which studies should we pay attention to as modellers?

This talk discusses the new nomothetic approach and presents some criteria to keep in mind when conducting or reviewing a nomothetic study.  We conclude that nomothetic studies can work together with constructive, idiographic and experimental approaches to get a better picture of how language structure and social structure are linked.

You can read our paper in the online proceedings.

Crows

March 7, 2012 in Citizen Science

I was sitting around on a park bench somewhere between Shibuya and Shinjuku, killing time between editing my talk slides and actually going to Evolang in Kyoto. I had worked 17 hours on the computer the day before, and had worked around five hours that morning and afternoon, and this was my time to relax and enjoy the sights. So I took off my headphones, and tried to relax. Sadly, ’twas not to be.

For there were crows. Hundreds of crows. A murder of crows. And they kept quorking. The sound was at first soothing, and then perplexing. You see, a hawk flew by, and suddenly the woods exploded went up in raucous derision, before receding again. Later, they were all quorking at the same time. In short, there was some sort of self-maintenance in both the sound levels and in the timing.  It didn’t seem like random effects, and I’m willing to bet it’s not.

I tried to record it, but my computer was nowhere near good enough. To prove my point, try and listen to this: crows. Or take a look at how messy this is.

So, I have two requests for you, O reader: Do you have any long, relatively clean sound files of multiple crows cawing for minutes at a time? Or have you heard of any research on self-regulation of sound volume in corvids? If not, I’ll buy a recorder at some point, and see if I can do this study when I’m next hanging around a constable of ravens again.

Using tools from evolutionary biology in cultural evolution

March 6, 2012 in Uncategorized

Levinson & Gray (2012) demonstrate how tools from evolutionary biology can help refine the way we look at human language and human cognition.  Phylogenetic techniques allow researchers to properly control for the fact that languages are related by descent.  More importantly, these tools allow the study of the full variation of linguistic structures, rather than assuming that the majority of linguistic structure is constrained by a limited set of Universal Grammar parameters.  This topic has been discussed before, by the authors and on this blog, but this paper is much more a manifesto for change.

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